Benjamin Wallace-Wells im New Yorker über die Mobilisierung der Nichtwähler durch Sanders und Trump:
But compare voters to non-voters and you get two very different-looking groups. The non-voters are younger, according to a 2014 Pew study. They are also less educated and have lower incomes. On the whole, there are fewer Protestants and more Catholics among non-voters than among voters, as well as fewer whites. Non-voters and voters might have roughly the same view of the Democrats, but you wouldn’t expect them to have the same view of much else.
In 2013, the political scientists Jan Leighley, of American University, and Jonathan Nagler, of New York University, published the results of a study that compared, among other things, the political views of voters and non-voters, dating back to 1972. On most social issues (abortion, L.G.B.T. rights), there was no measurable difference between them. Non-voters were more inclined toward isolationism. (Leighley and Nagler thought this might be because non-voters knew more soldiers than voters, and were more reluctant to see them sent into conflict.) The difference on economic matters was much more dramatic. Non-voters, Leighley and Nagler found, favored much more progressive economic policies than voters did.
Erstaunlich, so wie die ganze Entwicklung ein interessantes Zukunftssignal ist. Deutschland ist nicht direkt vergleichbar, aber die Mobilisierung bei den jüngsten Landtagswahlen ist interessant und mit der Antwort auf „für wen haben ehemalige Nichtwähler gestimmt?“ nur oberflächlich ausgelotet. Ich würde gerne die Papiere aus den deutschen Parteizentralen dazu lesen, die sicher gerade verfasst werden (vor allem die Linke würde mich interessieren, vgl. die jüngsten Wagenknecht-Testballons).